Letters before noon

Clark opens with a bad night and an early desk:

I sleped but little last night however we rose early and Commencd wrighting our letters Capt. Lewis wrote one to the presidend and I wrote Govr. Harrison & my friends in Kentucky and Sent of George Drewyer with those letters to Kohoka & delivered them to Mr. Hays

The first work of the recorded day in town is correspondence. “We rose early” and began writing; then the letters split. Lewis writes one letter, and Clark names the addressee only as “the presidend.” Clark writes to “Govr. Harrison” and to “my friends in Kentucky” — more than one letter on his side. He does not excerpt them. He does not say what Lewis reported, or what news went to Kentucky. The journal records that letters were written, who they were for, and who carried them.

The carrier is “George Drewyer,” sent to “Kohoka” to deliver the packet to “Mr. Hays.” Clark does not describe the crossing, the hour, or Hays’s office. Drewyer is simply the man who takes the letters. “Sent of” is how Clark writes the dispatch.

Dinner, store, tailor

The rest of the public day is two stops:

we dined with Mr. Chotoux to day, and after dinner went to a Store and purchased Some Clothes, which we gave to a Tayler and derected to be made.

“We” dined; “we” bought clothes; the clothes went to a “Tayler” and were “derected to be made.” Clark names the host “Mr. Chotoux” and stops there. He lists no other guests, no dishes, no talk. He does not name the store. He does not say what garments they ordered — only “Some Clothes.” After the return down the Missouri, the entry’s concern is that cloth was bought and left to be sewn. That is the whole of the social record.

The trunk

The last sentence is the only note on the collections:

Capt Lewis in opening his trunk found all his papers wet, and Some Seeds spoiled

Clark writes “all his papers” and “Some Seeds.” He does not say when the water entered, which papers, which seeds, or whether anything remained dry. He records no attempt to dry or save them. Lewis, who opened the trunk, has no published daily here to qualify the loss. The line stands as Clark set it down: wet papers, spoiled seeds, after the tailor.

What this page is not

It is not a two-voice close. It is not Gass’s arrival scene, which in this corpus belongs to 23 September. It is not an Ordway walk through St. Louis. Clark chose a sleepless night, the writing of letters, Drewyer to Kohoka, a dinner, a store, a tailor, and a damaged trunk. The usual furniture of the upriver dailies — miles, courses, weather, game, names of nations — is absent. The expedition is in town. The journal has become a list of errands and one wet box of paper and seed.

Clark’s spellings are the day’s other record: “sleped,” “Commencd,” “wrighting,” “presidend,” “Kohoka,” “Chotoux,” “Tayler,” “derected.” He does not regularize them. This page follows that text and does not supply the missing pens.

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The corpus of journal entries supplied for this synthesis contains zero references to Ninian Edwards. No narrator — not Meriwether Lewis, William Clark, Patrick Gass, John Ordway, Joseph Whitehouse, nor Charles Floyd — is recorded here as having named him. Any biographical sketch of Edwards drawn strictly from the Lewis and Clark journals must therefore acknowledge, at the outset, that the expedition’s daily record as preserved in this dataset is silent on the man.

Because the editorial brief for this series forbids speculation beyond the journal record, what follows is a careful accounting of that silence rather than a conventional biography. Readers seeking Edwards’s full life story — his Kentucky origins, his service as Chief Justice of the Kentucky Court of Appeals, his appointment by President James Madison as Governor of the Illinois Territory in 1809, his later U.S. Senate career, and his governorship of the State of Illinois — will need to consult sources outside the expedition journals.

Why the Silence Is Plausible

The chronological fit between Edwards’s public career and the expedition helps explain why the captains never wrote his name. The Corps of Discovery departed Camp Dubois in May 1804 and returned to St. Louis in September 1806. During that entire window, Ninian Edwards held no federal office connected to the Louisiana Purchase territory. His appointment as territorial governor of Illinois did not come until 1809, three years after Lewis and Clark had completed their journey and submitted their reports. The expedition’s correspondence with territorial officials during the journey was directed instead to figures such as Amos Stoddard at St. Louis, and ultimately to President Jefferson and Secretary of War Henry Dearborn.

The journals, when they do name civil officials, tend to do so at moments of departure, resupply, or return — the bookends of the expedition where the Corps interfaced with the settled administrative world. Edwards was simply not yet part of that world in any capacity that would have brought him into the captains’ orbit.

What the Journals Record Instead

Where one might expect to find a territorial governor named, the journals supply other figures. The handoff of Upper Louisiana from Spanish to French to American authority in March 1804 was managed by Stoddard, whose name does appear in the captains’ correspondence and in Clark’s Camp Dubois notations. The Indian agents, traders, and military officers who appear by name — Pierre Chouteau, Auguste Chouteau, James Wilkinson, and others — were the men actually positioned along the Missouri frontier during the expedition’s active years.

This pattern is consistent with how the journals function as documents. Lewis and Clark wrote what they saw, whom they met, and whose dispatches they received. They were not chroniclers of stateside political appointments that occurred after their return. By the time Edwards became a name to reckon with in Illinois affairs, the journals had been closed and their authors had moved on — Lewis to his governorship of Upper Louisiana and his death in 1809, Clark to his long career as Indian agent and later Governor of Missouri Territory.

The Edwards–Clark Connection Outside the Journals

It bears noting — though only as context for the silence, not as journal content — that Ninian Edwards and William Clark would later become contemporaries in the administration of the western territories, with overlapping responsibilities for Indian affairs during and after the War of 1812. Any documentary record of their interaction belongs to Clark’s post-expedition correspondence and to territorial papers, not to the expedition journals themselves. This synthesis cannot draw on those sources under its present brief.

Narrators Cited

None. No narrator in the supplied corpus mentions Ninian Edwards.

Direct Quotations from the Journals

None can be offered. Because no entry in the dataset references Edwards, there is no primary-source passage to reproduce in blockquote form. To fabricate or paraphrase a passage would violate the evidentiary standard of this series.

Assessing the Absence

It is tempting, when assembling a biographical entry, to fill silence with inference. The discipline of working strictly from the journal record, however, requires that absence be reported as absence. Ninian Edwards’s non-appearance in the Lewis and Clark journals is not a puzzle requiring resolution; it is a straightforward consequence of timing. He was not yet the man history remembers when the captains were writing, and the captains were no longer writing when he became that man.

For researchers using this synthesis as an entry point, the practical implication is this: to study Edwards in relation to the expedition’s legacy — its aftermath in Illinois country, its consequences for Indian policy in the territory he would govern, its place in the broader American occupation of the Mississippi watershed — one must turn from the journals to the Edwards Papers, to the Territorial Papers of the United States, and to the correspondence files of William Clark in his post-expedition role as Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis.

Conclusion

This entry is, by necessity, a record of what the journals do not say. Sources for Ninian Edwards within the Lewis and Clark expedition record, as represented in the dataset provided, are wholly sparse — indeed, they are absent. Future supplementation of the corpus with letters, reports, or marginalia not currently tagged to Edwards may alter this picture. Until then, the honest synthesis is the silent one.

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Auguste Chouteau (1749–1829), co-founder of St. Louis and patriarch of its dominant mercantile family, is woven throughout the Lewis and Clark journals less as a participant than as a constant background presence: outfitter, host, correspondent, and proprietor of trading expeditions whose boats the Corps repeatedly crossed on the Missouri. The journal record does not describe his life or person; it shows him in his commercial and civic role as the expedition’s principal St. Louis connection. Where the journals are silent on his biography, this synthesis remains silent as well.

Outfitting at the Mouth of the Missouri (May 1804)

Chouteau’s name first enters the record during the expedition’s final preparations at River Dubois and St. Charles. On May 18, 1804, William Clark recorded the receipt of tobacco from Chouteau’s account as the boats were being reloaded:

I had the Boat & Pierogue reloded So as to Cause them to be heavyer in bow than asturn recved of Mr. Lyon 136 lb. Tobacco on act. of Mr. Choteau Gave out tin Cups & 3 Knives to the French hands…

Two days later, on May 20, 1804, Clark listed Chouteau among the "Officers & Several Gentlemen of St Louis" who arrived at St. Charles in a heavy shower:

Capt. Lewis Capt. Stoddard accompanied by the Officers & Several Gentlemen of St Louis arrived in a heavy Showr of Rain Mssr. Lutenants Minford & Werness. Mr. Choteau Grattiot, Deloney, Laber Dee Ranken Dr. SoDrang…

Meriwether Lewis, in his own entry of May 20, 1804, named him more formally as "A. Chouteau" and recorded the social farewell that bracketed the expedition’s departure:

I was joined by Capt. Stoddard, Lieuts. Milford & Worrell together with Messrs. A. Chouteau, C. Gratiot, and many other respectable inhabitants of St. Louis, who had engaged to accompany me to the Vilage of St. Charles…

Lewis’s same entry also records his "affectionate adieu" to the spouse of Pierre Chouteau (Auguste’s half-brother), a reminder that several Chouteaus circulated through the expedition’s St. Louis world.

Chouteau’s Reach into Indian Country

The journals show that Chouteau’s commercial influence ran far up the Missouri and into the Osage country. On May 31, 1804, Clark recorded news brought down to the Corps from the Grand Osage by a courier returning to St. Louis:

a Cajaux of Bear Skins and pelteries came down from the Grand Osarge, one french man one Indian, and a Squar, they had letters from the man Mr. Choteau Sent to that part of the Osarge Nation Settled on Arkansa River mentioning that his letter was Commited to the flaims, the Inds. not believeing that the Americans had possession of the Countrey they disregarded St Louis & their Supplies…

This passage is the journal record’s most substantive glimpse of Chouteau’s diplomatic-commercial role: he was attempting, even as the Corps moved upriver, to communicate American sovereignty to Osage bands that had migrated to the Arkansas — and his letter had been burned.

Encounters on the River (1804)

Joseph Whitehouse twice recorded the same encounter, dated June 9, 1804 in one rendering and June 12, 1804 in another, in which the Corps met a flotilla of his peltry boats descending the Missouri:

Met with 7 peirogues. Loaded with peltry for Cap’^o Chatto [Chouteau] in S! Louis Our men of Each Craft Exchang’d Blankets for Buffalow Robes & Mockisons…

The note’s editorial gloss identifies "Chatto" as Chouteau, and the encounter shows the scale of his returns: seven loaded pirogues bound for St. Louis from the upper river.

Geographic Echoes

The Chouteau name is also affixed to the country itself. John Ordway’s editor identifies Chouteau Creek on September 6, 1804 ("Modern Chouteau Creek, which empties into the Missouri near the western boundary of Bonhomme County, S. Dak.") and again on September 24, 1804. The same family name attaches to Chouteau County in Montana, repeatedly noted as a geographic landmark in Ordway’s entries of May 20, 1805, June 15, 1805, June 17, 1805, and August 1, 1806. These are place-name references rather than personal appearances, but they testify to how thoroughly the family’s commercial reach mapped onto the territory the expedition was crossing.

Re-encounters on the Return Voyage (September 1806)

The richest cluster of Chouteau references comes on the descent of the Missouri, when the Corps repeatedly met traders working out of St. Louis under his auspices. On September 6, 1806, Clark wrote:

at the lower point of Pelecan Island a little above the Petite River de Seeoux we met a tradeing boat of Mr. Ag. Choteaux of St Louis bound to the River Jacque to trade with the Yanktons, this boat was in Care of a Mr. Henry Delorn… we purchased a gallon of whiskey of this man and gave to each man of the party a dram which is the first Spiritious licquor which had been tasted by any of them Since the 4 of July 1805.

This is the journals’ clearest identification — "Mr. Ag. Choteaux of St Louis" — confirming Auguste (rather than Pierre) as the proprietor. Ordway’s entry of the same day, edited under the name September 10, 1806, supplies the editorial footnote "Auguste Chouteau" explicitly.

Encounters multiplied as the Corps neared St. Louis. Ordway, on September 12, 1806, recorded:

we met 2 two canoes and 11 frenchman 1 of which was loaded with Mr Shotoes [Chouteau’s] goods from S’ Louis the others going up trapping…

Clark’s parallel entry for September 12, 1806 identified the destination: "one contained the property of Mr. Choteau bound to the panias on River Platt" — a Pawnee-bound trading venture on the Platte. Each meeting offered news of home, gifts of whiskey, and confirmation that Chouteau’s network was actively pushing trade up every tributary the expedition had explored.

Homecoming in St. Louis

The final, and most personal, journal mention comes on September 25, 1806, two days after the Corps’s arrival. Clark wrote:

had all of our Skins &c. Suned and Stored away in a Storeroom of Mr. Caddy Choteau. payed Some visits of form, to the gentlemen of St. Louis. in the evening a dinner & Ball

"Caddy" here is generally read as a familiar form for Auguste (the editorial conventions of the period sometimes rendered his name in such variants). The expedition’s ethnographic and natural-history collections — the very tangible product of two and a half years’ labor — were lodged in his storeroom. It is a fitting bookend: Chouteau’s tobacco helped load the boats in May 1804, and Chouteau’s storehouse received the skins in September 1806.

What the Journals Do Not Say

The journal record, taken on its own terms, contains no description of Chouteau’s appearance, no record of conversation with him, and no portrait of his household beyond Lewis’s brief farewell to the wife of his half-brother Pierre. He is named eight or nine times directly and is implied in many more references to "Mr. Choteau’s" boats, goods, employees, and accounts. What the journals preserve is his function: the commercial and civic infrastructure that made the expedition possible at its outset, sustained American claims to the Osage country during its absence, populated the river with traders during its return, and received its specimens at journey’s end.

Narrators

Auguste Chouteau is mentioned by William Clark, Meriwether Lewis, John Ordway, and Joseph Whitehouse — every principal journal-keeper of the expedition save Patrick Gass in the entries surveyed here. The convergence is itself revealing: no other St. Louis civilian touches the record at so many points or from so many hands.

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According to the archives of the St. Paul Catholic church in St. Paul, Oregon, Rivet had been hunting and trapping for 20 years prior to the expedition. Then, from 1813 to 1824, Rivet worked as an interpreter and hunter (Tubbs & Jenkinson). Rivet had a reported third son in 1816, Francois Jr. (Watson). In 1824, Rivet served as an interpreter for Alexander Ross’ Snake Country Expedition (Elliot). Afterward, he arrived in Oregon to interpret for the Hudson Bay Company and act as “kind of a hedge blacksmith” at Fort Colville in what is now Kettle Falls, Washington (Munnick, A-85). Francois’ youngest son died in 1830 on a Snake River bound expedition, drowning in a whirlpool in the Dalles (Watson). In 1839, Rivet took a claim south of St. Paul (Munnick, A-85; Tubbs & Jenkinson). By accounts of the church archives, Rivet became active in the community.

The Catholic Church recognized Francois Rivet’s marriage to Therese Flathead [Tete Platte in French, (Jackson)] in 1838 (Tubbs & Jenkinson), and there is evidence to suggest that Francois and Therese may have originally married in late 1782 (Rivet). Rivet met Therese when she was a young 19-year-old widow with a baby girl (Jackson). Rivet was Therese’ second husband. Her first husband was killed in battle against the Blackfeet (Flora & Courchane). Therese brought her baby daughter, Julia into her marriage with Rivet (Jackson), and Julia took Rivet’s name (Phillips). On July 13, 1840, Rivet was the Godfather to Archange Tyelis, a middle-aged Indian woman who was baptized (Munnick, p. 7), and another infant girl of mixed descent (Munnick, p. 20) later that year. On November 29, 1840, Rivet was again Godfather to a teenage girl, Catherine Hu (Munnick, p. 16). Rivet also served as a witness for three marriages (Munnick, pgs 59, 67, 86) and was present for the burial of a Joseph PendOreille (Munnick, p. 35). Even though Rivet was mentioned briefly on 13 occasions in the Lewis and Clark journals, one can gather a sufficient idea as to who the man was. In fact, Rivet’s active life full of love and loss served as inspiration for a fictional account of his life in The Gates of the Mountains (Henry).

Reference

Elliott, Thompson C. “Journal of Alexander Ross—Snake Country Expedition, 1824.” The Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, vol. 14, no. 4, (1913): 366-385.

Flora, Stephanie, and Chalk Courchaine. “Peter Skene Ogden: Pioneer of 1817.” Retrieved from http://www.oregonpioneers.com/bios/PeterSkeneOgden_1817.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwjCieDtrd32AhWKD0QIHcmXAL8QFnoECAQQAQ&usg=AOvVaw0GvUoAIxcGc0tBzmheCXOe

Henry, Will. The Gates of the Mountains. NewYork, Random House, 1963.

Jackson, John C. “Old Rivet.” The Magazine of Northwest History vol.18, no. 2 (2004): 1-7

Munnick, Harriet Duncan. 1979. Catholic Church Records of the Pacific Northwest: St. Paul, Oregon 1839-1898. Binford & Mort: Portland, Oregon

Phillips, Lisa. “Transitional Identities: Negotiating Social Transitions in the Pacific NW 1825-1860s.” Canadian Political Science Review, vol 2, no. 2, (2008): 21-40.

Rivet, Tom. “François Rivet (1754 – 1852).” Wikitree, 2014, https://www.wikitree.com/ wiki/Rivet-234.

Tubbs, Stephenie Ambrose, and Clay Jenkinson. The Lewis and Clark Companion: An Encyclopedic Guide to the Voyage of Discovery. Macmillan, 2003.

Watson, Bruce McIntyre. Lives Lived West of the Divide: A Biographical Dictionary of Fur Traders Working West of the Rockies, 1793-1858. The University of British Columbia, 2010.

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There is scant evidence of Charbonneau’s whereabouts in the years following his return from Europe. According to Reading, Charbonneau evidently helped find some lost horses for an employee of the American Fur Company. By the fall of 1830, he and his party became lost around American Falls, ID. He set out to find water and spent 11 days trying to relocate his party, only to find that they had been rescued by a Hudson Bay Company employee that came upon them (Historical Society, Utah State). Later, he helped Joseph Meek deliver a dispatch to St. Louis. According to Nathaniel Wyeth, Charbonneau was with Jim Bridger in 1832 (Reading). Jim Bridger was a noted mountain man, trapper, Army scout, and later owner of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. Later that year, Charbonneau traveled to Blackfoot country to trap beaver. William Smith wrote that a “Mr. Shabenare” traveled down the Platte River carrying pelts to St. Louis in 1839-40 (Reading). From 1842 to 1845, Charbonneau served at Bent’s Fort in St. Louis (Reading).

R. B. Sage, a 19th century American writer and journalist, commented on the man Charbonneau. He wrote that Charbonneau “proved to be a gentleman of superior information.” Commenting on his intelligence and multilingualism, Sage continued:

His mind, also, was well stored with choice reading, and enriched by extensive travel and observation. Having visited most of the important places, both in England, France, and Germany, he knew how to turn his experience to good advantage. There was a quaint humor and shrewdness in his conversation, so garbed with intelligence and perspicuity, that he at once insinuated himself into the good graces of listeners, and commanded their admiration and respect (Historical Society, Utah State).

One notable assignment was as a guide for the Mormon Battalion, in 1846, during the Mexican-American War. President Polk then instructed Secretary of War William Marcy to prepare the orders for the formation of a battalion of volunteers from among the Mormons in Iowa. The President hoped to “attach them to our country and prevent them from taking part against us” (Polk). The battalion set out in July of that year.

In August 1846, the battalion mustered under the command of Lieutenant Colonel James Allen. However, Allen would not go with the battalion, for he passed away from congestive fever on August 31, 1846 (Missouri Republican). Lieutenant Colonel Cooke later assumed command of the march in New Mexico. Shortly thereafter, Jean Baptiste Charbonneau joined the battalion as a guide on their journey to San Diego, California. On December 9, 1846, the Mormon Battalion crossed the San Pedro River in what is now Cochise County, Arizona.

Several days later, the Mormon Battalion arrived at another spot along the San Pedro River. Charbonneau would have been with the battalion during the only battle that the Mormon Battalion faced. During one event on December 12, 1846, the marchers came upon a herd of wild bulls. Sergeant Tyler described the events, which later came to be known as the Battle of the Bulls:

One small lead mule in a team was thrown on the horns of a bull over its mate on the near side, and the near mule, now on the off side and next to the bull, was gored. . .. One or two pack-mules were also killed. The end-gates of one or two wagons were stove in, and the sick, who were riding in them, were of course frightened. Some of the men climbed upon the wheels of the wagons and poured deadly fire into the enemy’s ranks. Some threw themselves down and allowed the beasts to run over them; others fired and dodged behind mezquit [sic] brush to re-load their guns, while the beasts kept them dodging to keep out of the way. Others, still, climbed up in small trees, there being now and then one available.

Brother Amos Cox was thrown about ten feet into the air, while a gore from three or four inches in length and about two or three in depth was cut in the inside of his thigh near its junction with the body. Sanderson sewed up the wound. Cox was an invalid for a long time, but finally recovered (Porter).

After guiding the Mormon Battalion to their destination in San Diego, California, Charbonneau held a number of jobs. For a short time in 1847 to 1848, he was mayor of San Luis Rey, north of San Diego. Because he refused to enforce the same harsh policies toward Native Americans than his predecessors did, Charbonneau grew frustrated and resigned his position (Historical Society, Utah State). In 1866, he joined the rush to mine gold in Montana. However, he died en route and was buried at Inskip Station, Oregon. Jean Baptiste Charbonneau, through a life of adventure during westward expansion across North America, left an indelible mark on American history.

References

• Anderson, Irving W. “Sacajawea, Sacagawea, Sakakawea?.” South Dakota History 8.4 (1978): 303-311.
• Colby, Susan M. Sacagawea’s Child: The Life and Times of Jean-Baptiste (Pomp) Charbonneau. University of Oklahoma Press, 2014.
• Courchane, Chalk. “Toussaint Charbonneau in the Pacific North in 1805.” Retrieved from http://www.oregonpioneers.com/bios/ToussaintCharbonneau.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwj4-rrtjlP3AhX2KEQIHdPKABcQFnoECAQQAQ&usg=AOvVaw3j3dzoY1_yayzV3-_1u3Fi
• Daily Missouri Republican (Saint Louis, Mo.: 1837) Daily Missouri Republican. St. Louis, Mo.: Charles & Paschall, 1837-1869. Vol. 15, no. 1168 (Mar. 14, 1837)-v. 47, no. 13 (Jan. 14, 1869).
• Polk, James Knox. The diary of James K. Polk during his presidency, 1845 to 1849. Vol. 6. Kraus Reprint, 1910.
• Porter, Larry C. “The Church and the Mexican-American War.” Nineteenth Century Saints at War, edited by Robert C. Freeman, Religious Studies Center, BYU, 2006, 41-76.
• Reading, June. “Jean Baptiste Charbonneau.” The Journal of San Diego History. vol. 11, no. 2, (1965). Retrieved from https://sandiegohistory.org/journal/1965/march/charbonneau/
• Ritter, Michael Lance. Jean Baptiste Charbonneau, Man of Two Worlds. CreateSpace Publishing, 2004.
• Sorensen, Stephen B. (2008) “History May Be Searched in Vain: A Military History of the Mormon Battalion by Sherman L. Fleek,” BYU Studies Quarterly, vol. 47, no. 2, article 12, 161-66. (Book review by Sherman Fleek)
• Historical Society, Utah State. Jean Baptiste Charbonneau. February 11, 1805 – May 16, 1866. Number 428. Idaho Commission for Libraries: Boise, ID. (2008). Retrieved from https://utah-primoprod.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid =digcoll_icl_ 39p16293coll3%2F5562&context=L&vid=MWDL&lang=en_US& search_scope=mw &adaptor=Local%20Search%20Engine&tab=default_tab&query=any ,contains,Jean%20Baptiste%20Charbonneau&offset=0

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