Editorial note: Elliott Coues’s 1893 biographical sketch of William Clark. Compiled from family records, military documents, correspondence with Clark descendants, and Coues’s own research while preparing the 1893 edition of the journals. Transcribed from the public-domain Coues 1893 reprint (vol. I), CIHM scan, cleaned via AI editorial pass.
BY DR. COUES.
WE possess a genealogy of that Clark family of which William is the most illustrious member, from about the beginning of the last century to the present day. In the early part of the eighteenth century, John Clark 1st and Miss or Mrs. Burd resided in King and Queen Co., Va. They married, and were William’s grandparents. Their children were John 2d, Benjamin, and Elizabeth.
John Clark 2d, b. K. and Q. Co., Va., Oct. 20th, 1724, d. Mulberry Hill, Ky., Aug. —, 1799, aged 75 years; and Ann Rogers, b. K. and Q. Co., Va., Oct. 20th, 1734, d. at Mulberry Hill, Ky., Dec. 24th, 1798, aged 64 years; were married in K. and Q. Co. Va., in 1749, lived together 49 years, and were William’s parents. They had the following six sons and four daughters:
1. Jonathan: b. Albemarle Co., Va., Aug. 1st, 1750; d. Mulberry Hill, Ky., in 1816. He married Sarah Hite, by whom he had four sons and two daughters.
2. George Rogers 1st: b. Albemarle Co., Va., Nov. 19th, 1752; d. Locust Grove, Ky., Feb. 13th, 1818, aged 66 years, and was buried there. He never married. He was the most distinguished member of his family until his fame was shaded by the greater renown to which William attained. George Rogers and William held several positions of the same military or civic title, and hence have been sometimes confused. When “the brother” of William is mentioned in annals, etc., George Rogers is generally meant.
3. Ann: b. Caroline Co., Va. July 14th, 1755; married Owen Gwathmey, Oct. 25th, 1773; had five sons and five daughters; d. in 1822, aged 66 years, at Locust Grove, Ky.
4. John 3d: b. Caroline Co., Va., Sept. 15th, 1757; d. Oct. 17th, 1783, aged 26; never married; was “imprisoned by British during war five years on Long Island.” (So family bible: but see next paragraph.)
5. Richard: b. Caroline Co., Va., July 6th, 1760; never married; lost in Feb. or Mar., 1785, aged 25 years; “supposed to have been killed by Indians at Little Wabash.” (So family bible; some obscurity and confusion of record regarding Richard and John 3d. Another account, furnished to Mr. Jefferson K. Clark by his cousin, Mrs. Caroline O’Fallon Pope, states that Richard, a lieutenant in the Continental army, was captured at Germantown, Pa., and died in a prison-ship at New York, in 1783; and that John, a captain in the army, was killed by Indians on the Wabash in 1785.)
6. Edmund 1st: b. Caroline Co., Va., Sept. 25th, 1762; d. Louisville, Ky., in 1817, aged 55 years; never married; was an army officer with rank of captain, left out when the army was reduced.
7. Lucy: b. Caroline Co., Va., Sept. 15th, 1765; married William Croghan; had five sons and two daughters; d. at Locust Grove, near Louisville, Ky., Mar. 4th, 1837 or 1838.
8. Elizabeth: b. Caroline Co., Va., Feb. 11th, 1768; married Colonel Richard Clough Anderson; had one son and three daughters; died in 1795, aged 27 years.
9. William: b. Caroline Co., Va., Aug. 1st, 1770; married (1) Julia Hancock, at Fincastle, Va., Jan. 5th, 1808; she died at Fotheringay, Va., June 27th, 1820, leaving four sons and one daughter; he married (2) Harriet Kennerly (b. Fincastle, July 25th, 1788, widow of Dr. John Radford), at St. Louis, Mo., Nov. 28th, 1821; she died there Dec. 25th, 1831, leaving two sons and one daughter by Dr. Radford, and one son living (one having died) by William Clark; he died at St. Louis, Mo., at the residence of his son, Meriwether Lewis 1st, Sept. 1st, 1838, and was buried at Athlone, from the residence of Colonel J. O’Fallon, near St. Louis.
10. Frances, commonly called Fanny: b. Caroline Co., Va., Jan. 20th, 1773; married (1) in 1790, Dr. James O’Fallon (b. Athlone, Ireland; d. Louisville, Ky., 1793), (2) Charles M. Thruston, (3) Dennis Fitzhugh; had (1) two children, John and Benjamin; (2) four children; (3) one child; died at St. Louis, Mo. Her eldest son, John, acquired the title of colonel in the military service, from which he resigned in July, 1818; he survived till Dec. 17th, 1865, in business in St. Louis.
Regarding William’s first wife’s family, we have the following genealogy:
Robert Hancock (son of Robert Hancock), b. Mar. 22d, 1711; Edward 1st, b. June 30th, 1713; Dinah or Diana, b. Jan. 14th, 1717, married; Patterson, b. ——, had no heirs; William, b. May 30th, 1720; George 1st, b. July 22d, 1724, married Mary Jones; Thomas, b. Oct. 15th, 1727, lost at sea; Joshua, b. Feb. 9th, 1729, lost at sea. In the next generation: Edward 2d, son of George Hancock 1st and Mary Jones his wife, b. Mar. 8, 1752, in Montgomery Co., Va.; George 2d, b. June 13th, 1754, d. at Fotheringay, Va., July 18th, 1820; Augustus, b. Oct. 14th, 1756, d. in the army; Mary, b. Nov. 4th, 1789, married (1) Mr. Rayford, (2) Samuel Kennerly.
George 2d, above, married at Fincastle, Va., Sept. 18th, 1781, Peggy Strother (dau. of Mary Kennerly Strother, b. Sept. 10th, 1746, married (1) George Strother of Culpeper Co., Va., (2) Patrick Lockhart, who d. at Fincastle, Va., in 1809; d. at Fotheringay, Va., June 2d, 1830), who was b. Sept. 16th, 1763.
The children of George 2d and Peggy Strother his wife, were:
1. Mary, b. Friday, Feb. 14th, 1783; married J. D. Griffin; d. Apr. 26th, 1826, leaving three sons and one daughter. 2. Caroline, b. Saturday, Mar. 26th, 1785; married Wm. Preston; d. at Louisville, Ky. 3. John Strother, b. Sunday, Mar. 25th, 1787; d. Aug. 2d, 1795. 4. Julia, also called Judith, b. Monday, Nov. 21st, 1791; married William Clark, Jan. 5th, 1808, at Fincastle, Va.; d. at Fotheringay, Va., June 27th, 1820, leaving four sons and one daughter. 5. George 3d, b. Good Friday, Apr. 6th, 1798; married (1) E. Croghan (dau. of Wm. Croghan and Lucy Clark, of Locust Grove), (2) Mary Davidson, of New Orleans, Miss.
The children of William Clark and Julia Hancock his first wife, were:
1. Meriwether Lewis 1st: b. St. Louis, Mo., Jan. 10th, 1809; married (1) Abby Churchill, Louisville, Ky., Jan. 9th, 1834; he died at Frankfort, Ky., Oct. 28th, 1881. His first wife was b. Louisville, Ky., Mar. 9th, 1817; d. St. Louis, Jan. 14th, 1852. Their children were: William Hancock, b. St. Louis, Mo., Dec. 25th, 1839, now living; Samuel Churchill, b. St. Louis, Mo., Sept. 12th, 1843, killed in battle of Elk Horn, at Pea Ridge, Ark., com’d’g the Clark battery, 10 a.m., Mar. 8th, 1862, buried at Fort Smith, Ark.; Mary Eliza, b. St. Louis, Mo., May 31st, 1845, d. Spring Grove, Ky., May, 1847; Meriwether Lewis 2d, b. Louisville, Ky., Jan. 27th, 1846, living; John O’Fallon 2d, b. St. Louis, Mo., July 7th, 1848, d. Frankfort, Ky., Feb., 1863, killed by accidental discharge of a pistol in hands of a schoolmate at Sayre Institute; George Rogers 2d, b. St. Louis, Mo., Apr. 19th, 1850, d. of yellow fever at Greenville, Miss.; Charles Jefferson, b. St. Louis, Mo., Jan. 10th, 1852, living. Meriwether Lewis 1st married (2) Julia Davidson, at Louisville, Ky., Dec. 30th, 1865; she was b. in New Orleans, La., July 8th, 1826, and is living; they had no issue.
2. William Preston: b. St. Louis, Mo., Oct. 5th, 1811; never married; d. there, suddenly, of heart disease, May 16th, 1840; buried at Athlone.
3. Mary Margaret: b. St. Louis, Mo., Jan. 1st, 1814; d. at Mrs. Preston’s, near Middletown, Ky., Oct. 15th, 1821; buried at Mulberry Hill, near Louisville, Ky.
4. George Rogers Hancock: b. St. Louis, Mo., May 6th, 1816; married there Eleanor Ann Glasgow, Tuesday, Mar. 30th, 1841. Their children were: Julia, b. St. Louis, 3 a.m., Friday, Mar. 6th, 1842; Sarah, Sadie, or Seddie Leonida, b. there 2 a.m., Oct. 6th, 1843, d. Dec. 18th, 1864; John O’Fallon 1st, b. there 3 p.m., Dec. 17th, 1844; Ellen Glasgow, b. there 3 p.m., Jan. 22d, 1846. He died Sept. 29th, 1858, at the residence of his half-brother, Jefferson K. Clark, at Minoma, St. Louis Co., Mo., in his 43d year, and was buried Oct. 2d, 1858, in Bellefontaine cemetery.
5. John Julius: b. St. Louis, July 6th, 1818; d. there Sept. 5th, 1831.
The children of William Clark and his second wife, Mrs. Harriet Kennerly Radford (widow of Dr. John Radford), who were married at St. Louis, Nov. 28th, 1821, were:
1. Thomas Jefferson or Jefferson Kearny, b. St. Louis, Mo., Feb. 29th, 1824; married Mary Susan Glasgow (dau. of William Glasgow, Sr.) there, May 8th, 1849: both are living there now (1893).
2. Edmund 2d, b. St. Louis, Sept. 9th, 1826; d. there, Aug. 12th, 1827.
The foregoing data for five generations are derived in part from records in the family bible of George Rogers Hancock Clark, copied Oct. 1st, 1881, by Frederick L. Billon, of St. Louis, and lately secured from him: in part from William Hancock Clark, who at my request obligingly prepared and furnished a tabular statement of the lineal issue of William Clark, living and dead at the present date of July, 1893. This genealogical chart, including two more generations, is published on a separate folding sheet with this work.
William Clark’s parents resided in Albemarle Co., Va., until their two eldest children had been born; when, in 1754, they removed to the vicinity of Charlottesville, Caroline Co., in the same State, where all their other children first saw the light. In 1784, or about that year, when William was 14 years old, they moved again to what was then called the Falls of the Ohio, now Louisville, Ky. Their place of residence was known as Mulberry Hill. Louisville at that time consisted merely of a few cabins clustered about a fortification which had been erected by his elder brother, George Rogers Clark.
William received his first title or distinction of any sort while yet a mere lad, being made a member of the Society of the Cincinnati on March 1st, 1787, before he had completed his seventeenth year. His original certificate of membership is extant; it bears the signatures of George Washington, President, and General Henry Knox, Secretary. His first military title was that of Ensign U.S.A., to which grade he was appointed in 1788. On the 8th of January, 1790, he received the following commission, which is curious enough to be presented in full. I copy from a careful copy of the original:
Territory of the UNITED STATES North West of the River Ohio
By HIS EXCELLENCY ARTHUR ST. CLAIR ESQ.
Governor and Commander in Chief of the Territory of the United States North West of the River Ohio
To William Clark Esquire Greeting
You being appointed a Captain of Militia in the Town & vicinity of Clarksville—By Virtue of the Power vested in me, I do by these presents (reposing Special Trust and Confidence in your Loyalty, Courage and Good Conduct) commission you accordingly—You are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the Duty of a Captain in leading, ordering and exercising said Militia in Arms, both Inferior Officers and Soldiers: and to keep them in good Order and Discipline. And they are hereby commanded to obey you as their Captain, and you are yourself to observe and follow such Orders and Instructions as you shall from Time to Time receive from me or your Superior Officers—
Given under my Hand, and the Seal of the Said Territory of the United States, the eighth day of January in the Year of our Lord 1790 and of the Independence of the United States of America, the fourteenth
At. St. Clair
By His Excellency’s Command
Winthrop Sargent Secretary
Captain Clark was commissioned as a lieutenant of infantry, March 7th, 1791, and assigned to the fourth Sub-Legion, Sept. 4th, 1792. While holding this rank, at the date of March 10th, 1793, he acted as adjutant and quartermaster. We find him on sick-leave in 1793, and July 1st, 1796, he resigned from the army on account of ill-health.
The year 1803 saw the beginning of Captain Clark’s real career, to which previous events of his life merely led up. His friend, Meriwether Lewis, at this time President Jefferson’s private secretary, who as an ensign had at one time served under Captain Clark’s orders, desired his association on equal terms in the conduct of the Expedition then about to be set on foot. Captain Clark assented, and the two young officers entered into those relations which linked their names forever. It is commonly said that Captain Clark re-entered the regular army under these circumstances in 1803. It is also said in Jefferson’s Memoir of Lewis, ante, that he was commissioned as a captain. These are mistakes. The commission he received was that of second lieutenant, Corps of Artillerists, and not the captaincy of Engineers he had been led to expect. The date of this commission was March 26th, 1804; his routine promotion to a first lieutenantcy came Jan. 31st, 1806. It will be recollected that his title was already that of captain, from prior military service; but during that Expedition, which was to convert all possible titles into sounding brass, his actual rank in the army was that of a subaltern. On this point, once a matter of some delicacy, now simply a question of historical accuracy, I am fortunately able to sink the biographer in the autobiographer. We will hear what Captain Clark once had to say on the subject himself.
In the extensive unpublished Clark-Biddle correspondence, mainly relating to the History of the Expedition, obligingly placed in my hands by Judge Craig Biddle, of Philadelphia, son of Nicholas Biddle, Esq., I find the following two letters:
Phila, July 8. 1814
Dr Sir,
[A page about engraving, etc., and then:] There is one and only one more thing about which I wish you would give me information. It is the exact relative situation in point of rank and command between Captain Lewis and yourself. I think you mentioned to me that your commission was that of Lieutenant of Engineers [read of Artillerists], which placed you completely on an equality with Captain Lewis who was a Captain of Infantry or Artillery [the former], and that in all other respects you were equal in command. I am desirous of being correct and I will get you to state to me whether I have understood you precisely, so as to avoid all errors on that subject. With my Compts to Mrs. Clarke [sic] I remain yrs sincerely
N[icholas]. B[iddle].
Gen’l William Clarke [sic]
St. Louis
Upper Louisiana
St. Louis 15th August 1811
Dear Sir,
By the last mail I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 8th of July, which I do assure you gave me much pleasure; as well to hear from you as to learn that you had got thro’ the work, and had it ready for the press as soon as Mr. Conrad pleased. I hope Mr. C. is getting it in a state of forwardness.—I feel convinced that your arrangement of the Map is a good one, I wish it was engraved and out.
You express a desire to know the exact relation which I stood in point of Rank and Command with Captain Lewis—equal in every point of view—(I did not think myself very well treated as I did not get the appointment which was promised me, as I was not disposed to make any noise about the business have never mentioned the particulars to anyone, and must request you not to mention my disappointment and the cause to anyone.—
In March [Mar. 7th] 1791 I was appointed a Lieut. in Wayne’s army and was kept on command about 18 months before I joined the main army [Sept. 9th, 1792]. When I joined I was annexed to a Chosen Rifle Company, of which I had the command, and received a Staff appointment, both of which I retained until after the Treaty at Greenville and at the time of taking possession of the Western posts, resigned [July 1st, 1796] and returned to a Farm in Kentucky on which I lived several years in bad health (Capt. Lewis was appointed an Ensign and arranged to the company which I commanded a few months before I resigned). During the time I [was] living on my Farm in Kent’y. I had frequent occasions to visit the Eastern States & Washington where I became acquainted with the Presid’t, Mr. Jefferson. In [July] 1803 I was applied to by Captain Lewis by Letter, who was then Private Sec’ty to the President, to accompany him on an Expedition to the Pacific, stating the gen’l plan and objects, and offered by the apprb’n of the President to place me in a situation in every respect equal to himself, in rank pretentions &c &c. On those conditions I agreed to undertake the expedition made my arrangements and set out, and proceeded on with Capt. Lewis to the mouth of the Missouri where we remained the winter 1803 made every necessary arrangement to set out early in spring 1804 every thing arranged I waited with some anxiety for the commission which I had reason to expect (Capt. of Engineers) a few days before I set out I received a Commission of 2nd Lieutenant of Artillerists [dated Mar. 26th, 1804], my feelings on this occasion was as might be expected. I wished the expedition success, and from the assurance of Capt. Lewis that in every respect my situation command &c &c. should be equal to his; viewing the Commission as merely calculated to authorize punishment to the soldiers if necessary, I proceeded. No difficulty took place on our rout relative to this point—On my return to this town, I inclosed the Commission to the Sec’ty of War and wrote to him that the Commission had answered the purpose for which it was intended &c
I do not wish that anything relative to this Com’n or appointment should be inserted in my Book, or made known, for very particular reasons, and I assure you that I have never related as much on the subject to any person before. Be so good as to place me on equal footing with Capt. Lewis in every point of view without exposing anything which might have taken place or even mentioning the Commission at all.
I hope you will do me the honor to write to me often and without reserve—Accept the acknowledgements of Mrs. Clark and myself for the friendly sentiments expressed in the latter part of your letter and accept of our warmest wishes for your health and happiness.
I remain your &c
Mr. Nichs. Biddle
Att’y at Law Phila. Wm. Clark
No question concerning the relations of the two noble young officers during the Expedition is possible. On the one hand, it is certain that Captain Lewis was absolutely in command of the Expedition, taking official precedence over his lieutenant, Captain Clark, whom he outranked, and who was as fully subject to his lawful orders as any enlisted man of the party. On the other hand, it is not less certain that in their mutual relations the technical point was never raised between the two captains, and that the actual command and conduct of the Expedition devolved upon each in exactly equal degree.
It would appear from the foregoing letter that Captain Clark tendered his resignation in 1806, immediately upon his return to St. Louis. The official date of his resignation is Feb. 27th, 1807, and thus but a few days before that of the next commission which he received, a copy of a copy of which is as follows:
President of the United States of America
To all who shall see these Presents, Greeting
Know Ye, that reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, valour, fidelity and abilities of William Clark, I do by these presents appoint him the said William Clark, Brigadier General of the Militia of the Territory of Louisiana: He is therefore diligently to discharge the duty of Brigadier General—And he is to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time as he shall receive from the President of the United States of America for the time being, or superior officer set over him according to the laws for regulating the Militia of said Territory—And I do strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers under his command to be obedient to his orders—This commission to continue in force until the end of the next Session of the Senate of the United States and no longer——
Given under my hand at the City of Washington the Twelfth day of March in the year of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Seven, and in the thirty-fourth year of the Independence of said States
By the President Tho’s. Jefferson
[Seal] H. Dearborn
With this commission General Clark was also made Indian Agent for Louisiana. In those days this title was not synonymous with “thief,” and the position was one of honor, not to be sought or used for dishonest purposes. I have examined much official correspondence (on file in the War Department) between General Clark and General Henry Dearborn, then Secretary of War. The official signature of the former is usually “Wm. Clark, I. A. L.”—sometimes written in full, as “Indian Agent for Louisiana.” Most of these letters bear dates of the first year of his agency, and their contents show that Agent Clark had his hands full at this time. I revert to some of his Indian affairs beyond.
General Clark was reappointed Brigadier General of the Militia of Louisiana, Feb. 27th, 1811, by President James Madison, William Eustis being Secretary of War.
Meanwhile he married Miss Julia Hancock, Jan. 5th, 1808, at Fincastle, Va. In that year also, the Grand Lodge of Ancient York Masons of Pennsylvania, having chartered St. Louis Lodge No. 111, William Clark was entered, passed, and raised therein, as witness his diploma of Sept. 18th, 1809, signed by Frederick Bates. On the 16th of November, 1810, he was appointed Inspector General of the Militia of Missouri, by Governor Benjamin Howard.
It will be convenient to continue with the list of official honors and dignities of which General Clark was the recipient. Governor Lewis had met his untimely fate in 1809. Governor Benjamin Howard, his successor, in 1810 (April 17th) was himself succeeded by General Clark, July 1st, 1813, as Governor of Missouri Territory, by virtue of the following appointment (copied from a copy of the original):
James Madison, President of the United States of America
To all who shall see these presents, GreetingKnow Ye, that reposing special Trust and Confidence in the Integrity, Patriotism and Ability of William Clark, of St. Louis—I do appoint him Governor in and near the Missouri Territory, and do authorize and empower him to execute and fulfil the duties of that office according to Law; and to Have and to Hold the said office with all the powers, privileges and emoluments to the same of right appertaining until the end of the next session of the Senate of the United States and no longer, unless the President of the United States for the time being should be pleased sooner to revoke and determine this Commission. In Testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made patent and the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed—Given under my hand at the City of Washington the first day of July A. D. 1813; and of the Independence of the United States the Thirty Seventh.
James Madison
By the President:
James Monroe
Sec. of State.
Governor Clark was recommissioned as such, by the same, June 16th, 1816; as such, by the same, Jan. 21st, 1817; and as such, by James Monroe, President of the United States, John Quincy Adams being Secretary of State, Jan. 24th, 1820. The latter year determined his gubernatorial functions; for on the first election of a governor for the State of Missouri he was defeated by Alexander McNair. Nevertheless, he was soon placed in other important official positions. In May, 1822, President Monroe appointed him Superintendent of Indian Affairs; in October, 1824, he was commissioned by the same as Surveyor General of the States of Illinois and Missouri, and of the Territory of Arkansas; and on March 4th, 1825, he was recommissioned by President John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay being Secretary of State. He laid out the town of Paducah, Ky., in 1828, and in 1830 effected the important treaty of Prairie du Chien.
Meanwhile, the first Mrs. Clark having died, June 27th, 1820, General Clark married Mrs. Harriet Kennerly Radford, Nov. 28th, 1821. At the latter date he had had five children; the four sons were growing up; the only daughter, Mary, had died a few weeks before. Of the two children of the second marriage, the elder is still living (1893); the younger died in infancy. General Clark himself paid the debt of nature on the 1st of September, 1838, on the first day of the second month of his sixty-ninth year, at the residence of his eldest son. The Missouri Saturday News of Sept. 8th, 1838, appeared in mourning, and had a feeling and appreciative obituary, by the editor, Chas. Keemle, together with a poem to his memory, by Mr. Field. His funeral was the most impressive that had ever taken place in St. Louis; it was a public demonstration of the profound respect and warm affection of the community in which he had resided for more than thirty years, during the whole of which period he had been prominently identified with the administration of public affairs, both civil and military.
It is simply impossible, within the limits of a mere sketch like the present article, to do anything like justice to the full-rounded life of a man of William Clark’s remarkable personal character, versatile accomplishments, and brilliant achievements. What has preceded merely points to some of the milestones of his long journey; to fill in the details would require a volume, and that is a labor which must be left to his future biographer. Should it ever fall to my share, it would be assuredly a labor of love; for the study of a single episode in his career has filled me with the most vivid admiration for the man himself, aside from his exploits. The few bare facts which I have already presented will be found more numerous and more accurate than those which have hitherto appeared in any single article—so little does the world really know of some of our greatest men! I am tempted to desist at this point from any further presentation of a subject my treatment of which must necessarily be inadequate, and, therefore, in a case where personal name and fame are concerned, unjust. But since I am in possession of some datum-points of Clark’s career which are either entirely unknown or inaccurately known, these may be appropriately placed on record here and now, with the understanding that they shall be taken as materials only, and not as a finished work. I will first present some items touching the man of business: next give some illustrations of what the Indians thought of this friend; and finish with various particulars pertinent to any history of that exploration which immortalized twin names.
Mr. Clark was eminently a man of affairs, who could turn a trade as well as he did various other things. Some of his transactions are of record. On Aug. 18th, 1808, Peter Chouteau and wife transferred to him, for $800, 1,400 arpents of land in St. Louis Co., 2½ leagues N.W. of St. Louis, bounded on the north by a tract belonging to Meriwether Lewis. On Jan. 7th, 1811, he bought of Alexander McNair, for $1500, the north half of block No. 9, 120 French feet on Main Street, St. Louis, running east to the river, with the old French house built of posts by Rene Kiersereau, and the three small stone stores of Alexis Marie. He lived here for a time, and had his Indian office in one of these stores, where is now the corner of Main and Pine streets. On Oct. 7th, 1814, he purchased from Jno. G. Comegys, for $1,000, 47 feet front on Main street, back east to the river, in block 10, between Pine and Olive streets. Here he built, in 1816, on the south, 21 feet front, a two-story brick house, when only about half a dozen structures of that material existed in St. Louis. The lower story was used as a store; the upper was first occupied by the Missouri Masonic Lodge No. 12 for a couple of years; from 1823 to 1827 it was occupied by Mr. Frederick L. Billon, the noted annalist of St. Louis (b. Apr. 23d, 1801, and still living, 1893). The north 26 feet front was sold to James Kennerly, for $3,500, July 19th, 1821. On Dec. 13th, 1815, Mr. Clark bought from Antoine Flandrin, for $1,300, the N.E. quarter of block 39, on the S.W. corner of Main and Almond streets, with the house built of posts by N. Beaugenou in 1765. The first marriage ever recorded in St. Louis, that of B.’s daughter, in April, 1766, took place in this house. Mr. Clark occupied it for two or three years, and after him Captain M. Wherry for several more. On April 2d, 1816, Mr. Clark purchased of Col. A. Chouteau, for $4,500, the north half of block 12, on the S.E. corner of Main and Vine streets, with the old stone house built by Louis Chancellier in 1767. This structure was removed; in 1818-19 Mr. Clark erected here his large brick mansion, and afterward his brick row south of it for his Indian council-house and museum of Indian curiosities. But after these and other dealings in real estate, Mr. Clark died in the house which had been the year before bought from George Atchison by Meriwether Lewis Clark.
Almost throughout the History of the Expedition we read of fur-bearing animals, and of the fur-trade. It does not surprise us to learn that Captain Clark became pecuniarily interested in this then remunerative and flourishing industry, in which many thousands of men were engaged and a vast amount of capital was invested. One of the earliest if not the first indications of activity on his part in this direction is of record at the date March 7th, 1809, when were associated, for the purposes of a trading-camp on the Missouri, Benjamin Wilkinson, Pierre Chouteau, Sr., Auguste Chouteau, Jr., Manuel Lisa, Reuben Lewis, William Clark, and Sylvestre Labbadie, all of St. Louis; Pierre Menard, and William Morrison, of Kaskaskia; Andrew Henry, of Louisiana, and Dennis Fitzhugh, of Kentucky. The Louisiana Gazette of Feb. 1st, 1812, prints the following advertisement: “Missouri Fur Company. Capital $50,000; 50 shares at $1,000. Sylvestre Labbadie, Wm. Clark, and Manuel Lisa, the old Company, hold $27,000 in goods, &c., up the Missouri River. Subscriptions desired for the remaining $23,000.”
We have every reason to believe that a fair share of profit accrued from most if not all of William Clark’s business ventures. The same cannot be said of the only literary enterprise with which his name ever was or ever will be associated. The inside history of Lewis and Clark’s immortal book is a yawning chasm between cash and glory. Lewis was dead; Clark pushed the work to publication. His total receipts from this business were no dollars and no cents; but the assignees of his insolvent publishers, who had failed while the book was in press, generously gave him the copper-plates, as likewise permission to try it again, if he liked to be literary. These old coppers are serviceable at present writing as paper-weights on my desk; but Captain Clark never ventured to avail himself of the copyright thus made over to him.
General and Governor Clark was known far and wide to the Indians as the “Red-head.” It is significant of his repute among them that St. Louis was for them simply the Red-head’s town—as we should say, “Clarksville.” The pith of this whole matter is in the words of a Sac chief who had been called in council by Major Benjamin O’Fallon at St. Louis, April 3d, 1821, on the subject of certain hostilities which were to be suppressed: “American chief! We have opened our ears to your words and those of the Red-head. Brother! We receive you as the son of the Red-head; inasmuch as we love him, we will love you and do not wish to offend you.” General Clark possessed in an eminent degree those personal qualities which commanded the respect of Indians as well as of all other persons whose privilege it was to know him; they recognized in him a great chief, whether friend or foe. They saw he preferred to be the former; and they found this to be to their own advantage. They compared his fair and honorable dealings with the lying and cheating which to them were no novel elements in the character of many whites with whom they were brought in contact; they discovered him to be a man of his word; and they reposed unbounded confidence in all that he said. Probably no officer of the government ever made his personal influence more widely and deeply felt; his superintendency grew to be a sort of lawful autocracy, wielded in the best interests of all concerned, on the strong principle of even-handed justice; his word became Indian law, from the Mississippi to the Pacific. Thousands of Indians had made his personal acquaintance when he traveled among them; and in later years there could have been few who did not regard his signature as “medicine” of the most salutary sort.
We sometimes hear of persons who are credited with great insight into what is called “the Indian character.” Granting that Indians have all the defects of their qualities, and that some of these are peculiar to this remarkably picturesque race of men, it does not follow that there is not as much human nature in an Indian as in any other person. No professional secret is violated in saying that to treat an Indian as if he were a human being is to encourage him to return the compliment. General Clark received back from the Indians only what he gave out to them; reciprocity in fair dealing was established; for the rest, they recognized his superiority in mental and material resources; they felt and feared his power. Had he not been at heart their sincere friend and well-wisher—had the moral element been eliminated from the equation—had he only made terms with them with the idea that it is cheaper to feed than to fight Indians—he never could have acquired that ascendency which enabled him to exercise perfect control. During his long administration of Indian affairs, beginning soon after his return from the Expedition, and ending only with his life, he was instrumental in bringing about many important treaties, not only between his government and the Indians, but also between different tribes of the latter. He was master of a situation whose possibilities, both for good and evil, were enormous; in his hands, possible evil turned to certain good. This man was a large factor in the civilization of that great West which Lewis and Clark discovered. It may be said of him with special pertinence, stat magni nominis umbra—for the explorer stands in the shadow of his own great name as such, obscuring that of the soldier, statesman, diplomat, and patriot. The world is slow to concede the greatness of any man in more than one thing.
We will now turn to the light another facet in the complex of this many-sided man, namely, his instrumentality in the publication of that History of the Expedition which was rewritten for the press by Nicholas Biddle from the manuscript journals and field notebooks of Lewis and Clark. Captain Lewis is believed, no doubt rightly, to have been on his way East to attend to this matter when he met his fate; whereupon, that duty devolved upon his comrade, and was almost immediately assumed by him. My information upon this score is not less accurate than extensive, and will be found almost entirely novel, as it is derived mainly from the never published Clark-Biddle correspondence, now in my hands. These letters speak autobiographically for themselves, and I will therefore select a few for presentation. The one of earliest date is as follows:
Near Fincastle Virga, 20th, Feby 1810
Dear SirI expected to have had the pleasure of hereing from you previous to my setting out from Philadelphia but as I did not receve a note from you at that time calculated on receeving a letter from you at this place on the Subject of writing my Western Tour &c, as I have been disappointed in hereing from you on this Subject feel my self much at a loss to adress you—I shall not employ the gentleman in Richmond to write the Book whom I mentioned haveing in view, from his offer made previous to my seeing you. I have calculated on your writing for me, and if you will undertake this work; cant you come to this place, where I have my books and memorandoms and stay with me a week or two; read over & make yourself thereby acquainted with everything which may not be explained in the Journals? if you will come it may enable me to give you a more full view of those parts which may not be thereby explained and inable you to proceed without deficuilty, Such parts as may not be full, I can explain, and add such additional matter as I may recollect—
I brought the Books with me to Copy such parts as are intended for the Botanical work which I shall send to Doctr. Barton, and will deliver the Books to you if you will engage to write the naritive &c, I mentioned to Mr John Conrad of Philadelphia to request you to come on here if possible and spend a short time. I am at present with Col. Hancock my father in Law who is on a retired and plesently situated [place] in view of the Town of Fincastle—should you Come on to this place, I would advise the rout by Hagerstown Winchester & Staunton in the Stage which passes this place once a week.—
Please to write me on the subject of this letter, your intentions and accept my Highest respect & esteem
Your Obe Servt
Wm ClarkMr. Nicholis Biddle
Phila.
This letter is folded, sealed without envelop, superscribed “Nicholis Biddle esquire Atty at Law Philadelphia,” marked by postmaster, in MS., “Fincastle Feb’y 25th 20” [cents], and indorsed by Mr. Biddle, “From Genl W. Clarke 20 Feby. 1810.”
Philada, March 3. 1810
Sir,I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 20th Feby which reached me yesterday—Before you receive this my brother’s note will have apprized you that it will be out of my power to undertake what you had the politeness to offer, and the only object of the present is to renew my regret at being obliged to decline complying with your wishes. My occupations necessarily confine me to Phila, and I have neither health nor leisure to do sufficient justice to the fruits of your enterprize and ingenuity—You cannot be long however without making a more fortunate selection, but if I can be of any assistance to you here in the proposed publication it shall be very cheerfully given,
Being with high respect
Yr obt s
N. BiddleGenl Wm Clark.
FinCastle
Virginia
Before Mr. Biddle could have heard from General Clark again he changed his mind and wrote as follows:
Philadelphia
Saturday March 17, 1810.Sir,
I had the pleasure of writing to you on the 3d inst. upon the subject of your intended publication—Being unwilling to disappoint you, I was afraid of undertaking a work which I feared I might not be able to execute to my own and your satisfaction. Having since then seen Mr. Conrad, & Dr Barton, what I learnt from them, joined with a prospect of better health & more time than I had originally expected induced me to consent provided you had not in the mean time, as I thought probable, made a better choice. Mr Conrad mentioned to me to day that your last letter of the 9th inst. represents you as under no engagements of that sort. I will therefore very readily agree to do all that is in my power for the advancement of the work; and I think I can promise with some confidence that it shall be ready as soon as the publisher [Mr. John Conrad] is prepared to print it. Having made up my mind to devote myself to it, I am desirous that no delay should occur on my part. As therefore you express a wish that I should see you, I am arranging my business so as to leave this on Wednesday next, & take the route by Hagerstown Winchester &c. In this way I hope to make you a short visit very soon after the receipt of my letter. In the mean time I remain with high respect Yrs &c N. Biddle
Genl Wm Clark.
Fincastle
Virginia
But before General Clark received the above he wrote:
Fin Castle Vga March 25th, 1810
Dear SirI was extreamly sorry to find by your letter of the 3rd, inst. that your health was bad, and that your Occupation would confine you to Philadelphia, and would not afford your leasure to Comply with my wishes of writing my Journals &c. The proffered assistance in the later part of your letter, creates much solicitude and my most sincere acknowledgements for the friendly sentiments it contains.
I am much gratified by Mr. Conrads letter of the 13th inst. to learn the state of your health; and that you are willing to undertake the writing of my Journal, and to have it ready for publication in 12 months &c.
Mr Conrad also informs me that you will comply with my request to see me at this place before I set out to the westward. The roads are now fine and I hope your health may have permitted you to have set out before this time. I must request you to Come on, as soon as possible, as my business call me to Louisiana; and nothing detains me, but the business I wish with you
With the highest respect & esteem
I am yr ob Sert.
Mr. N. Biddle Wm Clark
Mr. Biddle, having made his visit, returned home, and began to write the book. Mr. George Shannon, who was one of the members of the Expedition, next appears on the scene:
Louisville, May 22nd. 1810
Dear Sir
This will be handed to you by Mr. George Shannon the young man I spoke to you about, who was with me on the N W expedition; he has agreed to go to Philadelphia and give such information rilitive to that Tour as may be in his power. This young gentleman possesses a sincere and undisguised heart, he is highly spoken of by all his acquaintance and much respected at the Lexington University where he has been for the last two years. Any advice and friendly attentions which you may show to this young man will be greatfully acknowledged by him, and confur an additional obligation on me.
Mr. S connections are respectable. Since the misfortune of loseing his leg, he has been studeously employed in persute of an edducation to enable him to acquire a profession by which he can make an honorable and respectable liveing—he wishes to study Law, and practice in the Western Country.
May I request of you to give him such advice or assistance as may be agreeable & convenient to you to enable him to prosue those studies while in Phila.
Accept my highest respect & Friendship
Mr. N. Biddle Wm Clark
The History of the Expedition having been thus launched, Mr. Biddle was already navigating the Missouri, en route to the Pacific and back. We have a glimpse of his progress in the following extract of an eight-page letter:
Philadelphia July 7. 1810
My Dear Sir,
ever since my return to Philadelphia I have been engaged seven or eight and even more hours a day on our work, . . . the map was immediately forwarded to Mr. Hassler, and Dr Barton received all his papers. On consulting with Mr Conrad he agreed with me in opinion that it was much better to have a large connected map of the whole route & the adjacent country than to form an atlas of detached parts. The map can embrace as many degrees of latitude as you think your Indian information will authorize. . . The portages of the Columbia & Missouri we have already & they will form very interesting charts which may be put into the work opposite to the pages which contain a description of them [which was done]. The only other part which I think it would be well to have on a larger scale than is contained in the general map is the passage across the Rock mountains—that is, the country comprized between the head of Jefferson’s river northward to the point where you struck the Kooskooskee and extending eastward to the falls [of the Missouri]. As that square is so important a part of your route it should be shown very distinctly. In all other respects your present map, on a scale rather larger, and diminished or increased as to degrees of latitude [i. e., taking in less or more country north and south of the route] as you may judge best, will be quite sufficient. [But the map as published was on a scale much reduced from the original.]
On my arrival I found that proposals were circulating here for a second edition of Gass’s journal [of which three Philadelphia editions did appear—1810, 1811, 1812], which I thought it best to stop by announcing immediately our work & therefore published the Prospectus. I see also by the English journals that some man in England has printed a sort of account of the Expedition, compiled from Gass chiefly, and from the documents which you and Captain Lewis sent to Congress. The work seems to have met with a favorable reception in England, which is a good sign for our own. . .
Today I have sent you and ten men up into a bottom to look for wood to make canoes after the unhappy failure of your iron boat; so that you see how far I am [on July 7th, 1805—above Great Falls of the Missouri: see p. 407]. . .
I find that Gass’s journal in the original manuscript is also deposited in our library [of the Philosophical Society], and at my service. Ordway’s, which is much better than Gass’s, is really very useful; and as these two as well as your’s and Captain Lewis’s and my own notes are all to be examined, in order to leave nothing omitted, the labor is by no means light. . . Shannon has not yet arrived. . .
I must now begin my catechism of inquiries with which you remember I importuned you not a little when I had the pleasure of seeing you [cf p. 31]. . .
In the mean time I remain with my best respects to Mrs. Clarke, & my very warmest wishes for your fine little son [Meriwether Lewis Clark].
Your’s very sincerely
Gen William Clarke Nicholas Biddle
St Louis
Upper Louisiana
The next letter in point of date is a long one from Mr. F. R. Hassler, who was getting up the map, dated Schenectady, Aug. 12th, 1810, full of astronomical calculations for longitude, etc. It is addressed to Mr. Biddle. The next on my file is from General Clark:
St. Louis Decr. 20th, 1810
Dear Sir
I herewith Inclose to you a map which I have drawn for my Book, it is much more correct than any which has been before published, it is made on the same scale of the one you have, containing more Country, I wish you to anex as much of it to the book as you think best, you will observe that I have not inclosed it in lines,—The Ohio is not correct, mearly shows the rivers as they mouth—I am sorry that I could not get the calculations from Mr. Hosler [Hassler] to correct the map, but I hope it will doe without. This package is inclosed to the Secty of War to be fowarded.—
I have not collected any information since my last letter to you.
I think I mentioned having heard a rumbling noise at the falls of Missouri, which was not accounted for, and you accounted for them by simelating them to Avelanchers of the Alps.
Please to give my compliments to Geo Shannon and accept my sincere friendship. I shall write you again soon.
Wm Clark
Mr. Biddle
The above-mentioned map is doubtless that one of which the draughtsman’s (Mr. Samuel Lewis’) copy was finally engraved and published with the work.
St Louis Januy 29th, 1811
Dear Sir
I hope you have received my several letters my new map, and sundery other papers relative to such information as I could collect. Inclosed I send you some rough notes which I made at the Mandans the 1st year of my tour, perhaps you may collect from this something which you may wish to know.—A copy of these notes were sent to Mr. Jefferson from the Mandans—I send this as I have sent several others papes thro’ the Secty of War. I should be hapy to here from you on the subject of my book.
Accept the assurance of my highest respect & esteem
Your Friend
Wm Clark.
Mr. Nicholis Biddle
Philadelphia
We may pass over several letters relating to the progress of the work under Mr. Biddle’s editorship, but must include the following announcement that he had completed it—for this letter also opens up the long chapter of accidents that befell the fateful History.
Phila July 4, 1812
Dear Sir,
I have been for some time anxiously expecting you in Phila, but observing by the papers that you were at Louisville about the middle of June I write this in expectation that it will find you in Pittsburgh.
It is now almost a whole year since on the 8th of July 1811 I wrote to you that I had completed the work agreeably to our engagement, & was ready to put it to the press whenever Mr. Conrad chose. Since that time I have been constantly endeavouring to commence the publication not only from a regard to the interests of both of us, but because while this work remained in my hands it interfered very much with all my other occupations, besides that the work would lose some of its interest by so much delay. Last winter I was prevented from going to the legislature chiefly by a desire to stay & superintend the printing, yet notwithstanding all my exertions the publication has been prevented from time to time till at last Mr. Conrad’s difficulties have obliged him to surrender everything to his creditors & give up business. This misfortune is very much to be regretted on his account, & I am sorry that we did not know sooner that he would not be able to publish. But since things have taken this turn, it is perhaps better that the printing was not begun than that we should be entangled with his assignees, since now we can place it in other hands. I have already spoken to Mr. Bradford, one of the best booksellers here, & if we come to an arrangement he can soon print the work. I am in hopes that he will take it on the same terms as Mr. Conrad did, but Mr. Conrad has been so embarrassed & occupied that they have not yet been able to understand each other. In a few days however I expect that some agreement can be made & then we can proceed vigorously & soon get the volumes out.
I am truly yrs
N. B.
So this publisher failed and assigned just as the book was ready to go to press—and as we shall see another publisher failed just before it came out. But those were war times, and nothing was secure. General Clark replied promptly:
Washington City Augt. 6th, 1813
Dear Sir
On my arrival at this place I recved your letter of the 4th of July, in which you inform me the falue [failure] of Mr. Conrad, and the State of our work. Mr. Conrad has disapointed us both I find; he has disapointed me in a way I had not the smallest suspicion of.
I think we might have expected from him some intimition of his situation which would [have] prevented a delay of the work—
I hope you have suckceeded in engageing Mr. Bradford to print the work and in makeing such other arrangements as you may have thought best—I expect to go on to Philadelphia in a week or ten days, where I hope to have the pleasure to meet you; as I shall take Indian Chiefs with me, it will not be in my power to stay in your City as long as I could wish. I must therefore intrude on your goodness and assistance.
Mrs. Clark and my two sons came on with me as far as Hagers Town from thence they proceded to Col. Hancocks to remain untill our deficueltes are adjusted to the N W.
Accept of my wormest Solicitations
Yours Truly
Wm Clark
Nicholas Biddle Esq
Phila.
The course of publication never ran more crookedly than about this time, and was as full of shoals as the Kooskooskee. Here is an interesting letter from a great man—one who, however, was greater in steering boats than books:
Philadelphia September 5th, 1812
Dear Sir
I had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 24th ulto, two days ago at this place, and am extreemly sorry that you were not in the City dureing the time of my remaining in the place, which has been four days, my only Individl. business here was to see you, and make some arrangements respecting the publication of the work (Lewis and Clarks Journal). From the situation of my publick duties, I am compelled to return tomorrow without effecting the objects of my wishes—I have expected you for two days, and have delayed one longer than the Contract made with the man to Carry the Indian Chiefs to Pittsburgh autherised—I am a publick officer and must move with a parcel of people (Indians) who are placed under my Charge.
Cant I persuade you to become Interested in Lewis and Clarks work, I hope you will Concent, and under that hope I take the liberty of offering you the half of every profit arising from it, if you will attend to it, have it Completed as far as it is possible and necessary, prented published &c, including the advances which have and may be necessary &c. If you will agree to this proposition (which I hope you will) please to write to me at Pittsburgh or Louisville, inclose agreements which I can excutee there; and I will send you orders for such specimens &c. as are in the hands of Mr. Conrad and other gentlemen in this City.
Should you not incline to become interested in this way, be so good as to write to me at pittsburgh, and give me your oppinion on this subject.
I have not seen Mr. Bradford, thinking it probable you would become interested and Could make a much better bargain with him than I could.
Doctr. Bartain [Barton] says he can do his part in a very short time. should you become interested you will in Course employ some other persons if the Doctr. should not please you.
Please to write to me as soon as possible and accept the assurence of my highest respect and Esteem.
Yr most Ob He Sert
Mr. Nichs. Biddle Wᴹ Clark
It began to look very much as if no publisher could be found willing to undertake Lewis and Clark. For example:
Dear Sir
Johnson & Warner have, at last, positively declined making any sort of offer for Genl Clarkes book, & from their conversation seem to have so incorrect an idea of the value of the work and probable profits arising from the publication of it, that it would in my opinion be useless to make them an offer, there is not the smallest probability of their acceding to a fair and reasonable one.—Mr. Dobson also appears to have little inclination to embark in the work and declines making proposals for it—I can now, I believe, do nothing more in the business for you or Genl Clarke, unless you will permit me to substitute advice for services. If I may do this, I will say very decidedly, agree to Mr. Bradfords offer. It is I am confident the best bargain you can make for Genl Clarke.—The copyright I presume will be in him (Genl C.) & I suppose he will derive the entire benefit of the sale of the M. S. in England—
Yours sincerely
John Conrad
[To N. B.] Philada Nov 12, 1812.
Phila Feby 23. 1813
Dear Sir
. . . The times have thrown some obstacles in the way of our work which have prevented its making as much progress as I could have wished. Soon after you left us I consulted Mr. Bradford, but finding his terms not such as I thought advantageous I made proposals to all the booksellers in town. The stagnation in that branch of business however was so great that no one was willing to embark in it, and after a great deal of fruitless negociation I was obliged to return and on the advice of Mr. Conrad accept Mr. Bradford’s proposals. This I was desirous of deferring in hopes of obtaining better terms, but none could be had owing to the nature of the times. I now wait only for the engravers who will soon I hope finish their work and then we can strike off the printing immediately & in a little time the work will be published. The agreement with Mr. Bradford you will see when you arrive, but as I am not sure whether you are not already on this side of Washington I will add no more than that I am
Very sincerely
Genʳ William Clarke Yrs
Washington N. B.
The spectacle of a Biddle begging all Philadelphia to publish Lewis and Clark! Mr. Conrad’s advice proved sound. Mr. Biddle was forced to Mr. Bradford’s terms. These were doubtless as liberal as the latter could afford to make them—for the sequel showed that Bradford and Inskeep would fail even before they could publish the book.
The next document I possess is a power of attorney—ominous of much litigation to come:
I William Clark of the Missouri territory do hereby constitute Nicholas Biddle of Philada my lawful Attorney in all things relative to my transactions with Bradford & Inskeep or any other persons concerned in the publication of Lewis & Clark’s travels, and do hereby empower him for me to demand, recover & receive all my claims and rights thereto or to the profits thereof—make such arrangements and commence such legal processes, consent to such compromises as he may judge proper & generally to do every thing relative to the said work as fully as I could were I personally present—with power also to make such substitutes as he may think advisable, Hereby ratifying whatever he or his substitutes may lawfully do in the premises. In witness whereof I have set my hand and seal hereto this 29th day of March 1813 at Philadelphia
Witness at signing Wᴹ Clark [Seal.]
Benj O’Fallon
Meanwhile the work was put to press by Bradford and Inskeep. The composition and presswork occupied about one year, in the course of which the publishers became insolvent, and made an assignment. I have inspected the original manuscript of the balance-sheet headed “Dr. Lewis and Clarks Travels in acc. currt. with the Estate of Bradford & Inskeep, Cr.,” showing every item of debit and credit. The net price of the books was $6.00 the set, with various discounts to the trade of 50 per cent. or less. The cost of manufacture, etc., was $3,496.97. The total sales credited amounted to $5,535.47, showing a profit. This, however, was offset by amt. of unpaid bills, $686.27; and of bad debts and cops. not paid for, $1,198.13—altogether a debit of $5,381.37, against a credit of $5,535.47, reducing net profits to $154.10. Whereupon, one Paul Allen appears on the scene for the first time to the naked eye of history, with a claim for alleged services of $500, or so much thereof as he had not taken out in trade with the publishers; which more than wiped out the nominal credit of $154.10. This dismal story is not quite told yet. The edition was ostensibly of 2,000 copies; but when the above-described balance-sheet was drawn up, there were 392 of them lacking plates, probably not delivered because certain bills were unpaid; there were 35 otherwise defective copies, and 156 copies were missing, “supposed to be destroyed in binder’s or printer’s hands.” Deducting 583 copies, defective or missing, from an ostensible edition of 2,000, it appears that no more than 1,417 perfect copies of Lewis and Clark ever existed.
Thus, by dint of luck, pluck, and perseverance on the part of the surviving author and his steadfast editor, the History that was to make so much history appeared, in February, 1814. If we take the day on which was made the first sale credited in the above account, as that of actual publication, the exact date was Feb. 20th, 1814. Mr. Biddle soon afterward announced the fact of publication to Governor Clark, as follows:
Phila. March 23, 1814.
My dear Sir,
I have at last the pleasure of informing you that the travels are published, that they have sold very well I understand, and have been well thought of by the readers. Henceforth you may sleep upon your fame, which must last as long as books can endure. Mr. Bradford has I presume sent you a copy of the work. The gentleman who received and prepared it for the press, Mr. Allen, is a very capable person [!], and as I did not put the finishing hand to the volumes I did not think it right to take from him the credit of his own exertion and care by announcing personally the part which I had in the compilation. I am content that my trouble in the business should be recognized only by the pleasure which attended it and also by the satisfaction of making your acquaintance, which I shall always value. I could have wished that your time had permitted you to revise the whole of the work, as no doubt some errors and inadvertencies have from the nature of the volumes and the circumstances attending the publication crept into them. I hope however that you will not find them very numerous or important.
Let me hear from you often. Neither you nor I are great letter writers but I will always be happy to learn that you are well and your affairs prosperous, with my comp’ts to Mrs. Clark I am very truly,
N. Biddle.
Gen. Wm. Clark,
St Louis.
Mr. Biddle doubtless had reasons satisfactory to himself for surrendering to another the credit justly his own, as well as for his rosy vision of Mr. Paul Allen’s ability; but both these are beyond my comprehension. General Clark’s private opinion in this matter is equally occult. We do not hear from him on the subject of the History, in correspondence with Mr. Biddle, until Sept. 16th, 1814, when, in the course of a long letter from St. Louis, on military and domestic topics, he simply says:
“I have borrowed a Copy of my Book which has reached this place but have not had time to read it as yet.”
The rest of the inside history of the book, as represented in this correspondence, is simply the dreary story of lawyering in settlement of an insolvent estate. Mr. Biddle had full power of attorney from General Clark, as we have seen; he was able and indefatigable in his efforts to protect and benefit his client. The case dragged its slow length along till 1818; and much of the correspondence is between the lawyers on each side. Charles Chauncey, Esq., atty. at law; Thomas Astley, ditto; Mr. G. W. Thomas (with an offer to take the remaining stock of books on certain terms); Mr. Mathew Carey (publisher of the Phila. eds. of Gass); Mr. Paul Allen (whining in accents of injured innocence); and others too numerous to specify, appear on the scene; the arithmetic of the eminent counsel for and against the estate of Bradford and Inskeep fetched out variant sums—in fine, no feature of total failure was lacking, for the devil on two sticks had stalked through the whole business. Far from this scene of legal action after mercantile disaster, in St. Louis, was General Clark, who seems to have been slow to realize that nothing can be made of nothing. In 1816 he is still anxious to know how his book-property stands. One letter brings up yet another aspect to the case:
St. Louis March 31st 1816.
Dear Sir
. . . As Doctr. Marks the half Brother of Gov Lewis has expressed to me in a letter some concern about his brothers interest in the Books, and asked of me for a power of Atty. to receive of the publisher the Books I must request you to deliver to the order of his mother Mrs. Marks, such Books Papers &c. as you may think Govr Lewis’s Heirs should receive at least fully the one half of my part. . .
Your mo. ob.t Hʳ Sert
[To N. B.] Wm Clark
But the half of nothing is nothing again; and having already mentioned the fact that in the final settlement of the unhappy affair, General Clark’s total receipts were some copper-plates and the right to bring out a second edition—of neither of which did he ever avail himself—I will conclude a history of the History with the following letter:
St Louis Dect. 28th, 1817
Dear Sir
Your letter of the 21st of October informing me of the State of my business with the asse of Messt. Bradford & Inskeep in relation to the publication of Lewis & Clarks Journal was only received a few days ago; The proposition made by Mr. Astley as recommended by you meets my decided approbation; I have written to the mother of the late Govʳ Lewis [Mrs. Marks] & sent her a statement of the accounts, and asked her to assent to the arrangement. This measure is important to me as it enables me to satisfy the old lady who I have reasons to believe has been persuaded that profit arrising from that work has been received. I wish something done with the Copy rights but what should be done I cant say, must leave it to your own judgement and better experience. I am realy sorry that you have been at so much trouble in acting for me; I console myself that I may yet have it in my power to do you a service; Mrs. Clark joins me in Compliments, respectfully to Mrs. Biddle & hope you will accept my best wishes.
Your Obt Hle Servant
Wm Clark
Such were the throes of delivery to the world of an immortal book. It only remains for me to close a very imperfect memoir of one of its authors by setting forth the disposition made of the precious manuscripts upon which the original and the present editor both worked. If the patient reader will turn to the plate which is bound in front of this Memoir, he will find reproduced in facsimile a letter from General Clark to Mr. Biddle, dated Washington, 27th Jany., 1818, in which the former indicates his wishes in this matter, concerning those volumes of the Journals and Field Notebooks of Lewis and Clark which Mr. Biddle had in his possession, and certain other manuscript records of the Expedition. All of these writings were deposited by Mr. Biddle with the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia, with the exception of Ordway’s journal (presumably returned to General Clark), and perhaps with the further exception of Gass’ MS. journal (to which all clew has been lost). The Biddle deposit was of fourteen (14) bound volumes of MS., the same being two (2) small marble-covered books, one (1) brown book, and eleven (11) red books; together with a number of loose letters and other documents. Meanwhile, in November, 1817, Mr. Jefferson had deposited with the same Society three (3) more bound volumes which had been in his hands, the same being two (2) small marble-covered notebooks, and one (1) red book. A thirteenth red book was also deposited about this time, but by whom is not now known; but it seems probable, from the letter of Mr. Jefferson cited in the note
The three MS. Vols. deposited by Mr. Jefferson have memoranda to such effect on the fly-leaves. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, by H. A. Washington, 8vo. ed. 1854, Washington, Taylor and Maury, include: Vol. VI., pp. 267-270, Letter to Alex. Humboldt, dated Dec. 6th, 1813, alluding to the L. and C. MSS., hoping the Biddle History will soon be out, etc. Vol. VI., pp. 595-597, Letter to M. Correa de Serra, dated Poplar Forest, Apr. 16th, 1816, giving an account, not quite correct, of the L. and C. MSS., as known to him. Vol. VII., pp. 91-93, Letter to M. Duponceau, dated Monticello, Nov. 7th, 1817, saying: “After his [Lewis’] death, I obtained, through the kind agency of Mr. Correa, from Mrs. Barton, three of those books [i. e., L. and C. MSS.], of which I knew there had been ten or twelve [there were at least 18], having myself read them. These were all she could find.” Some further light is thrown on the whereabouts of the L. and C. MSS., in the interval between the publication of the History and the final deposit of the MSS. with the Philosophical Society, by the following letter from Mr. Jefferson to General Clark, now on file in the Bureau of Rolls and Library of the State Department. As it is specially interesting in connection with General Clark’s somewhat peremptory requisition upon Mr. Biddle, above mentioned as being reproduced in facsimile, I will give it entire:
Monticello, Sep. 8. 1816
Dear Sir
The travelling journal of Govr. Lewis and yourself having been published some little time ago, I had hoped to hear that something was doing with the astronomical observations, the biographical chart, the Indian vocabularies, and other papers not comprehended in the journal published. With a view to have these given to the public according to the original intention, I got a friend to apply for them to mr Biddle in whose hands I understood them to be, referring him for authority to the instructions inserted in the life of Govr. Lewis prefixed to the journal. He said he could not deliver them even to the War office, without an order from you, it is to sollicit this order that I now trouble you, and it may be given in favor either of the War office or of myself, if the latter, I should deliver the astronomical observations to the Secretary at War, who would employ someone to make the calculations to correct the longitudes of the map, and to have it published thus corrected; and I should deliver the papers of natural history & the vocabularies to the Philos. Society at Philadelphia, who would have them properly edited, and I should deposit with them also for safekeeping the travelling pocket journals as originals to be recurred to on all interesting questions arising out of the published journal. I should receive them only in trust for the War office to which they belong, and take their orders relating to them. I have received from Dr. Barton’s exrs. 4 vols. of the travelling pocket journals, but I think there were 11 ori. the rest I suppose mr Biddle has. I hope the part I have had in this important voyage will excuse the interest I take in securing to the world all the beneficial results we were entitled to expect from it, and which would so fully justify the expences of the expedition incurred by the United States in that expectation. I salute you with constant friendship and respect,
Th: Jefferson
Genl. Wm. Clarke
With regard to this finishing of the deposit of the L. and C. MSS. with the Philosophical Society, see also Jeff. Papers, 2d ser., Vol. 51, Doc. No. 86, letter of N. Biddle to Wm. Tilghman, Phila., April 10th, 1818, endorsed by Jno. Vaughan. Mr. Vaughan was at the time the Recording Secretary of the Historical and Literary Class of the American Philosophical Society. A copy of the receipt he gave Mr. Biddle is before me, of date April 8th, 1818. That clause of this receipt which expresses the conditions of the custody of the MSS. is in these terms: “It is understood and agreed on the part of the Historical Committee in receiving these books and papers, that Governor William Clark his heirs or assigns shall at all times have the full use of them for any future edition of his travels. By order of the Historical Committee.”
below, that this was one of “four” books deposited by Mr. Jefferson, who certainly received that number (not three) from the executors of Dr. Barton’s estate. I have before me the original and also a copy, both in Mr. Biddle’s hand, of the letter making his own deposit, dated Philada., April 6th, 1818, and addressed to Hon. Wm. Tilghman, Chairman of the Historical Committee of the Philosophical Society; item, a copy of the receipt given by the Society in accepting the custody of these records. In the terms of this agreement it was expressly provided that William Clark, his heirs or assigns, were and are always to have access to and use of these manuscripts for the preparation of any other edition of the History. manent verba scripta—the “written words” slept the sleep of the just, while the printed words went round the world, during three-quarters of a century, till one day they awoke to a new lease of life. The following letter requires no comment beyond my profound acknowledgment of its significance:
Saint Louis, Nov. 25th, 1892.
President and Directors of the
Philosophical Society.Gentlemen:—
According to the inventory and receipt given in 1818 by your Society for the papers and manuscripts of Lewis and Clark, explorers of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, it was agreed that the heirs of Genl. Clark should at all times have access to them for any future edition of his travels.
Mr. Elliott Coues is now engaged in writing one, and I request that you will let him have access and use of the manuscripts for that purpose.
Very respectfully,
[Signed] Jefferson K. Clark,
(only surviving son of
General William Clark).
My presentation of this letter, together with a formal request to be placed in possession of the MSS. for a limited period, resulted in an immediate vote by the Society in open meeting, Dec. 16th, 1892, by which the whole of this material passed into my hands. The present edition will show what use has been made of a golden opportunity to prepare for the twentieth century that History of the Expedition of Lewis and Clark which Mr. Biddle wrought for the nineteenth.
MEMOIR OF PATRICK GASS.
BY DR. COUES.
I compile the following biographical sketch of the famous Irish sergeant mainly from material presented by one who knew him well, Mr. J. G. Jacob, author of The Life and Times of Patrick Gass, cited on p. cxxiii, and editor of the Wellsburg Herald, of Wellsburg, W. Va. In private correspondence Mr. Jacob informs me that the substance of it appeared in the columns of his paper before it was made up in book form.
Gass was born June 12th, 1771, at Falling Springs, Cumberland Co., near what was afterward Chambersburg, Franklin Co., Pa. When Mr. Jacob wrote of him, in 1858, he was a hale, hearty old man, and already long the sole survivor of Lewis and Clark’s Expedition. His vigor and vitality were astonishing; the more so, considering the hardships he had long endured, and his many years of the besetting sin of an old soldier. In stature he was low, having in his most erect manhood never exceeded five feet seven; he was compactly built, broad-chested and strong-limbed, lean and wiry; only very late in life was he bowed and crippled with rheumatism. When nearly 99 years old he retained his mental faculties, and had a good, sound memory for the events of almost a century. He died April 3d, 1870.
In 1775 Gass’ father moved over South mountain into Maryland. From 1777 to 1780 the boy lived with his grandfather, and was supposed to go to school; but he says himself that he never learned to read, write, and cipher till he had come of age. His next recorded move was in 1780, memorable for the severity of its winter and the deplorable state of the American army. In 1782 the family “went west”—that is, across the Alleghenies. In 1784 they reached the forks of Yough, and located near Uniontown,
